rol over the people. I cannot say that the feeling had wholly passed. It had continued to show itself, here and there, whenever a candidate was so pertinacious in his independence that word

al threat to provoke a renewal of the exercise of that f

n, now, would be a proof that the Church could punish a brilliant orator and courageous citizen in the time of his independence and then reward him in the day of his submission; and the authorities would thus demonstrate to all the people that the one way to political preferment lay through the annihilation of self-wil

and Montana, and had returned to his home state to enrich it with his generosities. He was not a Mormon, but he had wide Mormon connections. He spent his mi

Senatorship to McCune. There can be no doubt of it. Everyone immediately suspected it. Letters from Grant, published in the n

ion of 1896, and the Republican machine in Utah (thanks to the power of the "interests") had repudiated me, in September, 1898, by adopting a platform that refused to support as Senator any man who had opposed the Dingley Tariff Bill. But I had the votes of my own county of Weber, and some other vo

st. I accepted Roberts' nomination as proof that this question must be settled anew at Washington; and I contented myself with predicting, throughout the campaign, that the House of Representatives would determine whether it would admit a polygamist and a member of the hierarchy as

ke Herald, by numberless business interests, cleverly by the Deseret News (the organ of the hierarchy) flagrantly and for financial reasons by Apostle Heber J. Grant, and incidentall

a personal one: and consequently the attack upon me chiefly took the form of stories of personal immorality, privately circulated. These stories culminated in a motion before the Woman's Republican Club, demanding my withdrawa

miseries that overtook them later; for Mrs. Brown died of the scandal of her husband's intimacy with Mrs. Bradley, and Mrs. Bradley shot an

Brown. In my anger I decided to take an action that looked as desperate as it proved successful. I hired the Salt Lake Theatre-for a night (February 9, 1899), and announced that I

ys done with his. It meant a breach with many of my friends in the Church who would blindly resent my criticism of the political apostles as an encouragement to the enemies of the faith. But the part that I had taken in helping Utah to gain its statehood made it imp

ount of personal relationship, my own candidacy or the possible effect upon my own affairs. I appealed to the people to prevent the sale of Utah's senatorship to McCune by Apostle Grant and the Church reactionaries; and by turning the light of publicity upon the methods that were being employed in the legislature,

nt Snow forbade him to continue the controversy and sent word to me that he had forbidden Grant to continue

hey did not return to us-until I had left only Judge Ed. F. Colborn (a famous character in Kansas, Colorado and Utah), and an old friend, Jesse W. Fox. One night, about a week after the meeting in the theatre, we three were sitt

alf past nine the following evening, in his residence. And I understood the significance of such an invitation for such an hour. I had been too

iver to wait for me. President Snow opened the door to me himself, received me with his usual engaging smile, and ushered me into a reception room that was shut

father was associated. "And besides," I said, "if there were no other reason

ut that you thought me one of th

explained merely that I had identified the Pharisees in my speech by name and deed and accusat

had the child in his arms-a little girl, in a night gown. He sat down, petting her, stroking her hair with his supp

to be something dark and fatal. And in the soft radiance of the lamp he sat smiling-fragile of build, almost spiritual, white-haired, delicately cultured-soothing the child who played with his long silvery beard and blinked sleepily. He inquired whether my carriage was waiting for me, and I replied that

have distinguished one of the ancient kings. "I have sent for you t

gray eyebrows, with his soft eyes, in which there was a

ss and other anxieties for the Church, and I want this question settled. If we act wisely-with the power and influen

oke into animation, and holding out both hands to me, palms up, he said, smiling: "You must know, Brother Frank, that I had nothing to do with Mr. McCune's cand

the casual observer-to say nothing of one reared as I've been. Every man in this community knows that when you point your finger your apostles

ve done," he retorted, "has been done

nsibility for this indignity to the state, he knows I'm at his command. And if I have

on my bed, I had a vision. I saw this work of God injured by the political strife of the brethren. And the voice of the Lord came to

strongly Democratic. My father's a Republican. It seems to m

ent. I want you to withdraw from the race and throw your stren

ation to that eff

, pontifica

he world, then, the sam

e repli

I said, "because if God

mocrat, had agreed to accept the revelation if I would; that the two of us could give our strength to the church candidate; that

hat I should break my word of honor to the people of the state and of the nation, pledge that broken faith to him, induce all my supporters in the legislature to violate their covenants-Mormon and Gentile alike!-and upon his mere assumption of divine authority, direct Mormon and Gentile to stultify and disgrace themselves forever as men and public officials. There was something appalling

nterrupted, "does my

wered:

t the orders of the Church-under the assumption that God Almighty had directed men to break their solemn promises to their constituents. I have as high an admiration for my father's wisdom and ability as you or

with an air of b

idate to this Democratic legislature, and all the power of the Church influence was thrown to him. President Shurtliff's wife came to our headquarters, that night, and knelt, with a number of other ladies, to pray that her husband might be spared the humiliation of breaking his repeated promise not to desert me! We all knew that if he broke his promise, it would cause him more mental anguish than anyone else; but we knew,

ess was ended, a final ballot was taken, and, since no candidate had enough votes to elect him, the presiding offic

the Mormon President's "permission" to become a candidate, as he admitted to an investigating committee of the Senate; and when the recent tariff bill was being attacked by insurgent Republicans and carried by Senator Aldrich, Senator Smoot acted as Aldrich's lieutenant in debate, and remained to watch the defe

een violated again and again. The provisions of the state constitution have been nullified. The trust of the Mormon people has been abused; their political liberties have been denied them; their Gentile brethren have been betrayed. And all this has been done not for the protection of the people, who were threatened with no proscription-and not for th